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Has announced the addition of the “Hispanic Foods and Beverages in the U.S., 6th Edition” report to their offering.

Marketers of Hispanic meals and beverages aim to remain competitive by providing loyal Hispanic foods consumers with new cultural taste experiences, leveraging Hispanic food culture’s aura of authenticity that appeals to consumers. Hispanic foods marketers are seeking ways to integrate their products into other food trends, especially into the growing demand for free from foods. These marketing methods will be crucial to both longtime Hispanic foods consumers as well as newcomers to the market. Further, the Hispanic food market now offers more mainstream versions of its products to consumers still wary of the Hispanic food culture.

The new report, “Hispanic Foods and Beverages in the U.S., 6th Edition”, covers Hispanic food marketers’ efforts as well as consumer behavior. The report projects that sales in the Hispanic foods market in the U.S. will increase in size from close to $17.5 billion in 2015 to over $21 billion in 2020, a compound annual growth rate (CAGR) of 3.8%.

Supporting this solid growth will be the ongoing increase of the Hispanic population in the U.S., both in numbers and as a share of the total population; the growing sophistication of the mainstream population in terms of their acceptance of and desire for Hispanic food culture; and the creative efforts of Hispanic foods marketers to fulfill consumer desire.

Sales and market size data sources include:

- IRI sales tracking through U.S. supermarkets and grocery stores, drugstores, and mass merchandisers (including Target, Kmart, and Wal-Mart) with annual sales of $2 million or more.
- In addition, the report draws on data from the Spring 2016 Simmons NCS Adult Study 12-Month.
- National Consumer Survey, conducted in July-August 2016 with a sample size of 2,000 U.S. adults age 18+.

Key Topics Covered:

Chapter 1 Executive Summary

Scope of This Report
Products Outside Scope
A Note about Nomenclature
Methodology
The Market for Hispanic Foods and Beverages
Market Trends
Race for the United States, Number in Thousands and Percent: 2015 to 2060
The Competitive Environment
Retailer Environment
Foodservice Environment
New Products and Trends
The Consumer

Chapter 2 Market Trends

Key Points
Growth and Change in Population as a Market Factor
Hispanic Influence on U.S. Food and Beverage Market Continues to Grow
Hispanics Will Account for a Quarter of Total U.S. Population by 2050
Race for the United States, Number in Thousands and Percent: 2015 to 2060
Dynamics of the Hispanic Population
Consumers of Hispanic Foods and Beverages Are Wide and Varied
Disparities Among Hispanic Millennials
Mexico Accounts for Two-Thirds of U.S. Hispanics
Central American Population Grows Fastest, Mexican Grows the Most
U.S.-Born Latinos Spark Hispanic Population Growth
Hispanic Population Growth, 2006-2014
But Acculturation Leading to Lower Birth Rates
Changing Language Skills
Differences in Acculturation Have Many Implications
Maintaining Hispanic Culture: By Acculturation Segment, 2015
Hispanics’ Buying Power a Significant Force in the Economy
Households: By Expenditure Category, 2012 vs. 2015
Expenditures on Food at Home Show Modest Gain
vs. Non-Hispanic Households, 2012-2015
Hispanic Buying Power on the Rise
Hispanic Food Insecurity
What Are Hispanic Foods and Beverages?
Common Hispanic Foods and Beverages
Driving the Market
Free From’ Foods Expanding
Organics on the Rise
100% Natural
Ancient Grains
Market Size and Growth
Hispanic Food and Beverage Sales Top $17 billion in 2015
Most Categories Exhibit Solid Growth
Hispanic Cheeses
Hispanic Beverages
Non-Alcoholic Beverages
Coffee
Beer
Wines and Spirits
Future Market Growth
Market Forecast
Hispanic Foods and Beverages Top $21 Billion by 2020
2016-2020 (in millions)
Beverage Categories Gain Share
Several Trends Will Influence Hispanic Food and Beverage Development

By Mario Carrasco, Partner, ThinkNow Research

As Hispanic market spend continues to grow and more companies are looking to capture a piece of this growing consumer, Hispanic research has been on the same exponential growth trajectory. More and more research companies are marketing themselves as equipped with Hispanic research capabilities and Hispanic online sample providers have been growing at the same rate. As a research company dedicated to researching multicultural consumers, we have welcomed the growing number of panel companies in the space since the need for Hispanic online sample is so great. However, a recent study from Pew Research has made us wary of the Hispanic online sample in the market place outside of our own assets.

What is Hispanic sample?
Before we delve into the issues the Pew report highlighted regarding Hispanic and African-American samples, let’s define what Hispanic sample is. Marketers have relied more heavily on Hispanic online research in the past five years than ever before, moving away from more traditional methodologies such as telephone interviews and in-person intercepts. Online research respondents are typically sourced from online panels. Respondents sourced from online panels are referred to as online sample.

What is a Hispanic online panel?
A Hispanic online panel is a website that is created to attract Hispanic respondents to register and take surveys on a regular basis in exchange for some sort of incentive. The backend of the website is typically research software that allows you to profile and invite respondents based on certain demographic criteria gathered during registration.

Pew Research Center Analysis

To better understand the current landscape of commercially available online non-probability samples (most online panels), Pew Research Center conducted a study in which an identical 56-item questionnaire was administered to nine samples supplied by eight different vendors.

The full report is over 60 pages long and goes into depth on various measures of data quality but for those of us in the Hispanic marketing world, this is the most salient point of all:

Widespread errors found for estimates based on blacks and Hispanics. Online non-probability survey vendors want to provide samples that are representative of the diversity of the U.S. population, but one important question is whether the panelists who are members of racial and ethnic minority groups are representative of these groups more broadly. This study suggests they are not. Across the nine non-probability samples, the average estimated bias on benchmarked items was more than 10 percentage points for both Hispanics (15.1) and blacks (11.3). In addition, the online samples rarely yielded accurate estimates of the marginal effects of being Hispanic or black on substantive outcomes, when controlling for other demographics. These results suggest that researchers using online non-probability samples are at risk of drawing erroneous conclusions about the effects associated with race and ethnicity.

Note, none of the companies measured were panels focused specifically on Hispanic or African-American respondents, but rather General Market panels meant to be reflective of the U.S. population as a whole. For marketers that have been making business decisions on behalf of their clients for their Hispanic and African-American marketing efforts, this data is troubling. Ten percentage points could be the difference between success and failure for key marketing metrics such as purchase intent or awareness.

This report highlights the fact that not all “Hispanic” respondents are created equal. It’s not enough for a panel company to ethnically tag respondents acquired through their general recruitment campaigns and deem them representative of others in their ethnic groups. Properly recruited Hispanic research respondents should be invited into a panel in-language and in-culture. Properly balanced quotas and weighting are also necessary to ensure that ethnic online samples are as representative of their larger offline communities as possible.

Getting the Hispanic part of a nationally representative survey wrong may have had limited consequences when ethnic minorities were truly a minority of the population but as we move towards becoming a ‘minority majority’ nation, getting this part of the research right is the whole game. Taking the time to vet your Hispanic research partner and sourcing sample from a panel that has in-language recruitment, culturally appropriate incentives, and a bilingual portal are essential to conducting both Hispanic and nationally representative research that will yield results reflective of the population you are trying to understand.

Your Editor Asks: Should research be conducted in-language and in-culture?

By Edward Rincón

Much to their credit, Dallas-area academic, business and civic members have embarked upon an ambitious effort to expand the number of Latino leaders that serve this community. Two of these programs reside at Southern Methodist University with similar goals in mind. Part of the rationale for these programs comes from national studies by the Pew Research Center (2013) which showed that two-thirds of Latinos did not know, when asked, who they believed was the most important Hispanic leader in the U.S.; moreover, three-quarters of Latinos believed that a national Hispanic leader was needed to advance the concerns of the U.S. Hispanic community. This national alarm bell, coupled with dismal Latino participation at the local levels, appeared to describe a leadership vacuum in the Latino community that needed some type of intervention.

Latinos, of course, are not leaderless. U.S. Latinos have a long history as inventors, scientists, medical experts, military heroes, news columnists, entertainers, and politicians — they are just not very visible because mainstream media sources choose to overlook their achievements except during cultural holidays. If the story does not involve crime, immigration, under-achievement or poverty, the likelihood of inclusion in mainstream media diminishes even more rapidly.

For example, anyone who has lived in the Dallas community for a number of years would have little difficulty in recognizing Latinos that have been on the frontlines of many Latino-related issues. Such names as Adelfa Callejo, Hector Flores, Nina Vaca, Rene Martinez, Domingo Garcia, Marcos Ronquillo, Rafael Anchia, Roberto Alonzo, Tom Lazo, Beatrice Martinez, and Edwin Flores are well-known among Dallas-area Latinos and non-Latinos for their past advocacy efforts related to Latino education, healthcare, immigration, voting rights, business development and other areas. Media reports may label Latinos as “leaders,” “advocates,” or “activists” – depending on the spin desired by media decision makers. Nonetheless, their role in shaping the quality of life for Latinos is undeniable.

As the traditional pool of “leaders” or “advocates” diminishes, it is clear that new blood is needed to address the many decisions that will influence the quality of life for Latinos in the future. The need for new blood is especially important in communities like Dallas/Fort Worth that are experiencing rapid population growth and need decision-makers with new ideas to address the challenges brought by this growth. In this light, Latino leadership programs have assumed a great responsibility and deserve as much support as possible.

To that end, following are some questions or discussion points that came to mind as I was envisioning the types of skills that these graduates may need to carry the leadership torch into the future:

What knowledge will these graduates have of Latinos that reside in the U.S. and local communities? For example, a test of knowledge of Latino culture in the U.S. was recently completed by a non-random sample of 400 Latinos and non-Latinos that represented college students and marketing professionals from the private sector. The test results revealed that both Latinos and non-Latinos had limited knowledge regarding some basic facts about U.S. Latinos. Interestingly, the results also revealed that Latinos did not score much better than non-Latinos on this test. While not a scientific study, the study results suggest that more effort should be devoted towards expanding knowledge about the Latino population – whether at academic institutions or other training vehicles. Moreover, as Latinos continue to assimilate linguistically and culturally, they may also need a refresher course on important elements of the Latino culture.

What position will graduates take on issues that especially impact Latinos? The position that a leadership graduate takes on key issues like gun control, abortion, criminal justice, voting rights, racial profiling, the environment, public procurement, and immigration will likely define their appeal in Latino and non-Latino communities. Are graduates being trained to avoid a position on controversial issues or will they be taught how to argue persuasively on behalf of Latino constituents?

Are your public speaking skills ready to be tested? General public speaking skills are undoubtedly a valued asset; however, Latino leaders will be expected on occasion to address both English and Spanish-speaking audiences. Since the vast majority of U.S. Latinos do not study Spanish formally, it might be a good idea to encourage our future leaders to brush up on their public speaking skills in both languages.

Will graduates be trained to feel comfortable in using the results of research studies? In one presentation to a city council regarding the results of a citizen satisfaction survey, a councilman opined: “If I want to know what people in my community think, I will just talk to them.” Apparently, the councilman did not understand the bias associated with his recommendation in gathering public opinion. Scientific research can provide valuable insights that supplement one’s perspectives and should be part of the training curriculum for these graduates.

Will non-Latinos be provided the opportunity to develop their leadership skills if their jobs or political aspirations include Latino communities? It seems like a good investment. There are already enough non-Latinos in leadership positions that lack knowledge and experience with Latino communities. With our increasingly segregated society, the leadership course may provide the right amount of knowledge and perspective needed by non-Latinos who aspire to become advocates for Latino communities.

Will graduates understand how to utilize the power of the media which has the potential to define their reputation and standing in the minds of Latino and non-Latino audiences? Markets like Dallas/Fort Worth provide a multitude of communications vehicles to reach diverse audiences, and often conduct public opinion polls to monitor key issues or political campaigns. In such an environment, Latinos who aspire to become visible advocates or “leaders” must understand how to fashion their messages correctly, how the journalism world operates, and the audiences that are served by different communications vehicles.

Lastly, will the collective wisdom of past Latino leaders be used as a bridge to the future for the newly trained leaders? It would be a mistake, in my opinion, to believe that “leadership skills” have little or no connection to the past. Past Latino leaders could be helpful in identifying significant people, organizations or historical events that have proved helpful in past Latino initiatives, as well as those that have been less helpful. The new leadership graduates will no doubt have many new ideas of their own, but history should help them avoid repeating the mistakes of the past.

Only time will tell us about the long-term benefits of these Latino leadership initiatives. If they are successful, Latinos will be in a better position to shape their own destiny and become a more visible partner in key decisions that affect their quality of life.

Edward T. Rincón is president of Rincón & Associates LLC, a research company that provides research and consultative support to organizations that seek to understand diverse communities in domestic and global markets

Nearly half of U.S.-born Latinos are younger than 18 By Eileen Patten, Pew Research Center

Hispanics are the youngest major racial or ethnic group in the United States. About one-third, or 17.9 million, of the nation’s Hispanic population is younger than 18, and about a quarter, or 14.6 million, of all Hispanics are Millennials (ages 18 to 33 in 2014), according to a Pew Research Center analysis of U.S. Census Bureau data. Altogether, nearly six-in-ten Hispanics are Millennials or younger.

By comparison, half of the black population and 46% of the U.S. Asian population are Millennials or younger. 1 Among whites, the nation’s oldest racial group, only about four-in-ten are Millennials or younger (39%).

The nation’s Latino population has long been one of its youngest. In 2014, the most recent year for which data are available, the median age of Hispanics – 28 years – was well below that of the major racial groups and has been so since at least the 1980s. But as with the nation’s population overall, the Hispanic population’s median age has steadily risen since the 1980s, from 22 then to 28 in 2014, a significant change though still the smallest increase in median age among any major racial or ethnic group during that time period. For example, the median age among whites was 43 in 2014, up 12 years since 1980. Among Asians, the median age in 2014 was 36, up eight years since 1980. And for blacks, the median age has risen nine years since 1980 to 33 in 2014.

Pew Research Center2

Looked at another way, the share of the Hispanic population under the age of 18 has decreased somewhat since 1980. Back in 1980, 40% of the nation’s 14.8 million Latinos were under age 18, while among white non-Hispanics, that share was 26%. In 1990, 35% of the then 21.8 million Latinos living in the U.S. were under 18. That share remained stable through 2000, but had dropped to 32% as of 2014. Meanwhile, among whites, the share under age 18 stood at 19% in 2014.

For the nation’s Hispanic population, youth is a defining characteristic. For example, among Hispanic eligible voters, 44% are Millennial Hispanics – the single largest cohort of Hispanic eligible voters. 2 And among the nation’s Millennials, Hispanics are a greater share than they are among all American adults – Hispanics make up 21% of all U.S. Millennials versus 15% of all adults in 2014.

Pew Research Center3

Within the Hispanic adult population, Millennials stand out in a number of ways from older Hispanics, according to the Pew Research Center analysis. Millennials are currently much less likely to be immigrants and are more likely to speak English proficiently. They are also more likely than older generations to be of Mexican origin, reflecting the youth of the Mexican-origin population in the U.S.

Nearly half of U.S.-born Latinos are younger than 18

Pew Research Center4

The disproportionately young profile of Latinos in the U.S. is driven by the overwhelming youth of U.S.-born Hispanics. With a median age of 19, nearly half (47%) of U.S.-born Latinos are younger than 18. This is similar to the youth share among the nation’s other major racial or ethnic group with a large immigrant population – U.S.-born Asians, of whom 49% are younger than 18. By comparison, just 27% of U.S.-born blacks and 20% of U.S.-born whites are younger than 18.

The current immigration wave, mostly from Latin America and Asia, has brought 59 million immigrants to the U.S. over the last 50 years and peaked in the early 2000s. About half of today’s U.S.-born Latinos (47%) and 80% of today’s U.S.-born Asians are the children of immigrants, many of whom came during this recent wave, which helps to explain the striking youth numbers for these groups. 3

Among the country’s Latinos, the immigrant and U.S.-born populations have very different age patterns. Few immigrants arrive as children. As a result, just 6% of immigrant Latinos are younger than 18. Most immigrants arrive as working-age adults. Some 26% of Latino immigrants in 2014 were Millennials and a 37% plurality were Gen Xers (ages 34 to 49). Another quarter of foreign-born Latinos (24%) were Boomers (ages 50 to 68).

Pew Research Center5

The median age among foreign-born Latinos is more than 20 years older than that of U.S.-born Latinos (41 and 19, respectively). While the median age of foreign-born Latinos has risen dramatically over the past three decades (from 31 years in 1980), the median age of U.S.-born Latinos has not changed significantly. Much of this change in the median age among foreign-born Latinos reflects the slowdown in migration from Latin America that has occurred since 2007. Without a new, large wave of younger immigrants, those Latino immigrants who remain in the U.S. have aged, pushing up the group’s median age.

Young Hispanics are more likely to be U.S. born than older generations – at least for now

Pew Research Center6

Because so few children come to the U.S. as immigrants, young Hispanics are overwhelmingly U.S. born. Among children younger than 18, 94% are U.S. born, and about two-thirds of Hispanic Millennials (65%) were born in the U.S. This compares with about four-in-ten Gen Xers, Boomers and older adults who are U.S. born.

Millennials are currently in the prime age range for immigration, and new Millennial immigrants will likely shift the balance and reduce the U.S.-born share of Hispanic Millennials. This process will accelerate once U.S.-born teenagers coming of age are no longer counted as joining the Millennial generation, instead becoming their own post-Millennial generation. Once this shift occurs, it will leave immigration as the sole source of growth for the Millennial generational group going forward.

Pew Research Center7

This pattern of change is evident among older generations of Hispanics. For example, in 1980, when Baby Boomers were the age that Millennials are now, 65% were U.S. born. 4 The U.S.-born share among Hispanic Boomers decreased steadily throughout the beginning of their adult lives, but as the generation approached middle age it leveled off, and it stood at 42% in 2014.

For Gen Xers, who came of age during a period of high immigration, the pattern holds, but is not quite as stark. In 1998, when they were ages 18 to 33, half of Hispanic Gen Xers were U.S. born, compared with a 41% U.S.-born share when they were ages 34 to 49 in 2014.

The U.S.-born share among Hispanic Millennials has already decreased as they have entered adulthood and more immigrant Millennials have begun arriving in the U.S. In 2000, when today’s Millennial adults were ages 4 to 19, 81% were U.S. born, compared with 65% today.

More than a quarter of Hispanic Millennials speak only English at home

With a higher U.S.-born share comes a larger share who are proficient in English. About three-quarters of Hispanic Millennials are proficient English speakers – that is, they either speak only English at home (28%) or speak a language other than English at home, but speak English “very well” (48%). Some 19% of Hispanic Millennials speak English less than very well and just 5% do not speak English at all.

Pew Research Center8

By comparison, about half or less of older generations of Hispanics are proficient English speakers. Some 55% of Gen Xers and 52% of Boomer Hispanics speak only English at home or speak English very well. Among the oldest Hispanics, those in the Silent or Greatest generation, just 43% are proficient English speakers and 22% do not speak English at all.

Among Hispanics ages 5 to 17, nearly all of whom are U.S. born, 88% are proficient English speakers, including 37% who speak only English at home and 50% who speak another language at home but speak English very well.

While English language proficiency is more common among younger generations of Hispanics, speaking Spanish in the home is less common. Overall, some 62% of Hispanics ages 5 to 17 and 72% of Hispanic Millennials speak Spanish at home. By comparison, eight-in-ten or more Hispanic Gen Xers (80%), Boomers (80%) and Silent or Greatest generation adults (83%) speak Spanish in their homes. As a result, the share of all Hispanics who speak Spanish at home has started to decline, and the use of English only in the home has increased.

Pew Research Center9

When it comes to young Hispanics who are born outside the U.S. or on the island of Puerto Rico, English language proficiency is somewhat lower and the share speaking Spanish in their homes is much higher. 5

Among Hispanics who are foreign born or born in Puerto Rico, 70% of children older than 5 and 45% of Millennials are English proficient. By comparison, some 89% of Hispanic children and 94% of Hispanic Millennials who are born on the U.S. mainland speak English proficiently.

Still, young Hispanics born outside the U.S. – and especially those who are younger than 18 – are more likely than their older counterparts to be proficient in English. About three-in-ten Hispanic Gen Xers (32%) and Boomers (30%) born outside the U.S. mainland speak English proficiently, and just 24% of Silent or Greatest generation adults do.

Fewer than 10% of Millennial or younger Hispanics born outside the U.S. mainland speak only English in their homes, with more than nine-in-ten of each group speaking only Spanish or a combination of Spanish and English in their homes. These are similar to the shares among older Hispanics born outside the U.S. mainland. But among mainland-born Hispanics who are Millennials or younger, about four-in-ten speak only English in their homes, with roughly six-in-ten speaking Spanish at home.

Younger Hispanic groups have more Mexicans in their populations

Nearly two-thirds of Hispanic Millennials are of Mexican origin. Some 16% are of Caribbean Hispanic origin groups, including 9% who are Puerto Rican. One-in-ten are of Central American origin, including 4% who are Salvadoran. And 6% are of South American origin, including 2% who are Colombian.

The share of Hispanic Millennials who are of Mexican origin is higher than the share that is Mexican among Boomers (57%) and older Hispanic adults (52%). Among Gen Xers, a similar share (63%) is Mexican. Among Hispanics younger than 18, almost seven-in-ten (69%) are Mexican.

Pew Research Center10

The share of Hispanics who are of Caribbean origin is lower among younger generational groups than older groups. Only about one-in-six youths, Millennials and Gen Xers have a Caribbean origin, compared with 20% of Boomers and 26% of older adults in the Silent or Greatest generations. This is largely due to a smaller share of Cubans among younger Hispanics. For example, among Silent and Greatest generation Hispanics, fully 11% are of Cuban origin, compared with just 3% among Millennial adults.

Accompanying this report is a statistical portrait of the nations’ Hispanic population. Also accompanying this report is a statistical portrait of the nations’ foreign-born population. Both are based on the U.S. Census Bureau’s 2014 American Community Survey downloaded from the University of Minnesota’s Integrated Public Use Microdata Series (IPUMS) and feature detailed characteristics of both populations at the national level, as well as state population totals. Topics covered include age, citizenship, origin, language proficiency, living arrangements, marital status, fertility, schooling, health insurance coverage and employment. In addition, statistical profiles of the Hispanic population in 1980, 1990, 2000 and 2010 are available and statistical profiles of the foreign-born population in 1960, 1970, 1980, 1990, 2000 and 2010 are available, documenting trends on key demographic and economic measures among both groups.