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The Spanish-language network is a striking example of a news organization that is meeting the needs of
a frightened and information-famished audience.

By JIM RUTENBERG

Earlier this year, a rumor rippled through the large Hispanic community in northeast Miami, delivered through the WhatsApp text-messaging service: Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents were hauling undocumented immigrants off to detention centers in buses. The “deportation force” President Trump promised during the campaign had finally arrived, it seemed.

Panicked callers turned to the source of information they rely upon above all others: Univision, the Spanish-language television network, which is aggressively tracking whether Mr. Trump makes good on his campaign vow to conduct the largest mass expulsion of modern times.

Journalists at Univision’s headquarters here started hitting the streets, calling contacts and analyzing a photograph of a supposed ICE bus in action.

No sweep was underway, they learned; the photo was from 2014.

Univision pumped out Facebook and Twitter posts debunking the rumor, posted a more detailed article on its website and produced a television package for its stations across the country. It repeated the exercise all over again when the same rumor emerged a few days later in Los Angeles.

“WE THOUGHT THEY WERE GOING TO KILL US IN THE FIRST HOUR.”

José Zamora, senior vice president of strategic communications.

Grew up under constant threat as his father’s newspapers exposed corruption in the Guatemalan government, leading to one particularly harrowing episode when security forces held the family hostage for several hours. Credit Greg Miller for The New York Times

Just another day covering President Trump’s America at Univision News.

By now you’ve probably heard that this is a golden age for journalism — how The New York Times and The Washington Post are warring for scoops in ways reminiscent of the Watergate era; how an information-hungry public is sending subscriptions and television news ratings soaring, reinvigorating journalists and reaffirming their mission (“Democracy Dies in Darkness” and all that).

But the story isn’t complete if it doesn’t include Univision News, one of the most striking examples I’ve seen all year of a news organization that is meeting the moment.

It is the leading news source for Hispanics in the United States, citizen and noncitizen alike — a core audience that has an almost existential stake in the Trump administration’s policies. These include moves to starve “sanctuary cities” of federal funds and to end the Obama-era attempt to protect from deportation the undocumented parents of citizen children — which, Univision was first to report, the administration did on Thursday.

Univision News has its own history with the president. Its anchor Jorge Ramos was the first journalist to be kicked out of a Trump event, after he tangled with Mr. Trump at a 2015 news briefing. Its corporate parent had already broken with Mr. Trump by then, over his campaign-opening proclamation that Mexico was exporting rapists, crime and drugs to the United States. (In response, Univision pulled out of showing Trump-owned beauty pageants; Mr. Trump retaliated with a lawsuit and a letter informing Univision that its personnel were no longer welcome at the Trump golf course here.)

YOU COULD FEEL VIOLENCE EVERYPLACE — WAITING FOR A GREEN LIGHT, IN A RESTAURANT.”

Patricia Clarembaux, digital journalist at Univision.

Fled Venezuela because of the dangerous environment for journalists. She was once attacked with a bottle at a restaurant and had her equipment stolen as the authorities looked on. Credit Greg Miller for The New York Times

Election night raised the stakes.

“On the one hand, we knew that it would have a terrible impact on the Hispanic community in the United States,” Univision’s president of news, Daniel Coronell, told me as we sat in his office overlooking the buzzing central newsroom.

But that was quickly followed by the realization that, as of that night, Univision’s news would be “about the survival of, the permanency of, the members of the community,” he said.

Univision was ready for that challenge in a way it probably would not have been a few years ago.

Mr. Coronell was an early recruit of Isaac Lee, whom Univision — under the relatively new ownership of a group led by the media investor (and Democratic donor) Haim Saban — hired in late 2010 as the news chief with a basic mandate: Build a bigger and better newsroom.

At the time, the news division was largely built around its newscasts, like “Noticiero Univision” with Mr. Ramos and his co-anchor, María Elena Salinas. Otherwise, “there was no reporting,” Mr. Lee told me. “They took cables and images, and they assembled the newscasts.”

“IMMIGRATION IS OUR BIGGEST TOPIC. YOU CAN BE SURE IT’S GOING TO BE A LOT OF CLICKS.”

David Maris, the photo editor at Univision.

Fled Venezuela with his wife, Tamoa Calzadilla, after receiving death threats and having his photo equipment seized by the authorities.

Mr. Lee started by creating investigative and documentary units. As a onetime journalist in Colombia — where his work linked onetime drug lords to political leaders — Mr. Lee knew something his competitors did not: Some of the best and bravest journalists in the world were on the sidelines, chased out of their newsrooms or home countries by murderous regimes their work had exposed.

Mr. Coronell, for example, fled his country after receiving unnervingly detailed death threats against his 6-year-old daughter.

Univision News’s top communications executive, José Zamora, grew up in Guatemala under constant threat because of his father’s work as a leading journalist exposing government corruption. Mr. Zamora followed his father into the business, but became convinced a few years ago that the United States would be a better place to raise his son, considering that an armed SWAT team had once stormed his home and held him, his parents and his brothers hostage for several hours. (“We thought they were going to kill us in the first hour,” he told me.)

The latest influx of talent has come from Venezuela, where crackdowns on journalists under the government of Nicolás Maduro, and a hostile takeover of major media companies by government allies, have put reporters in danger while stifling their work.

“WE ARE THE VOICE OF THE VOICELESS PEOPLE … PROBABLY THE MOST WEAK MEMBERS OF THIS IMPORTANT COUNTRY.”

Daniel Coronell, president of news.

Fled Colombia with his family after exposing links between the government and drug gangs, resulting in serious threats to his family. Credit Greg Miller for The New York Times

That contingent includes Tamoa Calzadilla, who lost her job after reporting on the deaths of two protesters at the hands of government forces, and Nathalie Alvaray, who left the same news organization in frustration as she tried to champion such work (and was later held hostage in her home).

Their hiring has coincided with the latest expansion effort at Univision, led by the former deputy managing editor of the Spanish newspaper El País, Borja Echevarría, to move more aggressively into digital journalism.

With a team that includes 75 new hires in the last two years, Mr. Echevarría has started new units for special investigative projects, podcasts, and data journalism, mobile video and informational graphics.

Every newsroom making the digital transition is building similar teams, aimed at producing new forms of journalism for mobile phones and modern attention spans. But at Univision, the effort is infused with a direct sense of urgency.

“WE SEE A LOT OF SIMILARITIES BETWEEN TRUMP AND CHÁVEZ.”

Nathalie Alvaray, manager of local digital news.

Was held hostage with her family in their home in Venezuela after tangling with new government-friendly owners of the newspaper chain where she worked. She likened President Trump’s surprise victory to that of the former president Hugo Chávez in Venezuela. Credit Greg Miller for The New York Times

One of its most shared digital features this year has been an explainer on the papers that documented and undocumented immigrants should always have on them, in case of immigration raids or stops.

At a cluster of desks at one edge of the cavernous newsroom during my visit, Almudena Toral, the director of digital video, was tweaking a segment — animated by a newly arrived Venezuelan designer — that she explained as follows: “What should I do if ICE comes for me in my house?”

Nearby, the data journalism team was putting the finishing touches on a statistical analysis showing the lack of legal representation of undocumented immigrants who go before immigration judges.

Then there was the fact-checking team, the first of its kind operating in Spanish in the United States. It has had no shortage of assignments, as falsehoods about immigrants continue to spread at even the highest levels of government. To wit: the president’s assertions that millions of undocumented immigrants voted illegally last year.

“WE DIDN’T GET TO RECORD ANYTHING THAT DAY FOR SAFETY REASONS. BUT WE’RE PLOTTING CREATIVE WAYS TO STILL DO THE STORY.”

Almudena Toral, head of digital video.

Had to abandon an assignment in Mexico, covering the Latin American refugee crisis, after colleagues received credible kidnapping threats. Credit Greg Miller for The New York Times

But it’s also an environment that so many Univision journalists say they are used to.

They saw it in the election campaign, when Mr. Trump’s supporters would shout at journalists, “Tell the truth!” That was what supporters of the former Venezuelan strongman Hugo Chávez used to do, the photo editor here, David Maris, recounted to me.

And they see it now, as Mr. Trump escalates his attacks on journalism and those who produce it.

“Every single investigation in Colombia or Guatemala or Mexico,” Mr. Coronell, the news president, told me, “is followed by ‘This journalist has his own agenda; he’s trying to affect my government’ and ‘That’s fake news.’”

So, here in America in 2017, he said, “many of us, we know the movie — we’ve seen it in Spanish.”

There’s one important difference he and others here pointed to, and that’s the Constitution, which enshrines a free press and our human rights.

“It’s crucial for us that people know their rights and the possibilities,” Mr. Coronell said. “And we are working all the time to use the investigative journalism tools in order to provide better information to our community.”

That community has a dearth of reliable information and an excess of misinformation, like frequent false reports about raids, which can mean “people don’t leave their homes to go to the grocery store or to take their kids to school,” as the Hispanic Federation’s president, José Calderón, said in an interview last week. He called Univision “a lifeline.”

That role can lead to charges that Univision is more an activist organization than a journalistic one, which the newsroom here rejects.

“When it comes to things related to corruption or human rights abuses, you really are a counterpower,” Mr. Zamora said. “And that’s not that you are an activist. That’s what journalism is for.”

Your Editor Insists

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By Mimi Whitefield, The Miami Herald

William LeoGrande, an American University professor who specializes in U.S.-Cuba relations, says it appears there might be a “poison pill” in President Donald Trump’s new Cuba policy that potentially could cut off remittances to more than 1 million Cubans.

The memorandum on strengthening Cuba policy that Trump signed last week in Miami specifically states that regulatory changes shall not prohibit “sending, processing or receiving authorized remittances” — the money that’s sent to family members and friends in Cuba.

Currently remittances can be sent to almost anyone on the island — with the exception of members of the Council of Ministers, which includes the president, first vice president, seven first vice presidents, ministers and a few other top officials, and high-ranking military officials.

But the Trump memo greatly expands the definition of so-called prohibited officials.

It includes not only ministers, vice ministers and members of the Council of State and Council of Ministers but also members and employees of the National Assembly of People’s Power — Cuba’s parliament; provincial assembly members; local heads of Committees for the Defense of the Revolution; directors general, sub-directors and higher officers of all Cuban ministries and state agencies; employees of the Ministry of the Interior and the Ministry of Defense; and members and employees of Cuba’s Supreme Court.

The memo also lists secretaries and first secretaries of the Confederation of Labor of Cuba and top editors of all state-run media outlets as prohibited officials.

Such a sweeping category could potentially include a quarter of Cuba’s labor force, LeoGrande said. “It’s literally a million people if you count everyone who works for the military and GAESA that could have their remittances cut off,” he said.

GAESA (Grupo de Administración Empresarial) is a Cuban military conglomerate that controls a broad swath of the Cuban economy, including the Gaviota Tourism Group. One of the cornerstones of Trump’s new Cuba policy is channeling U.S. money and businesses away from GAESA and instead encouraging Americans and U.S. companies to develop economic ties with small private business people in Cuba.

But widening the prohibition on who can receive remittances could potentially hurt many Cuban families — those Trump has said he wants to support with his new policy, LeoGrande said. Many Cubans are dependent on money sent from friends and relatives abroad because state salaries are so low. An estimated $3 billion in remittances is sent to the island annually.

Among the questions, which may by clarified when regulations on the new Cuba policy are written, is how literally to take the definition of all employees of the Ministry of Defense.

All Cuban males must complete compulsory military service. “Does this mean an active duty private is an employee of the Ministry of Defense, and therefore a prohibited person?” asked Robert Muse, a Washington lawyer. “There still has to be more definition of what this means.”

Also in question is whether a person who is a clerk or low-level employee at an enterprise run by GAESA would be considered an employee of the Ministry of Defense.

Trying to sort out such definitions about who is eligible to receive remittances could potentially become a real headache for money transfer companies, Muse said.

In response to a query, Western Union, which has provided money transfer services to Cuba from the United States since 1999 and more recently began to handle remittances from other parts of the world to Cuba, said: “Western Union does not believe the changes are intended to impact the sending of authorized remittances to Cuba.”

Said LeoGrande: “There are a number of things that need to be clarified. The [memorandum] is so ambiguous in places.”

Cuba watchers also point to a section of Trump’s memorandum that instructs the State Department to identify “entities or sub-entities” under the control or acting on behalf of the Cuban “military, intelligence or security services or personnel” and publish a list of those with which “direct financial transactions” would disproportionately benefit them “at the expense of the Cuban people or private enterprise in Cuba.”

Some analysts have zeroed in on the word direct in the memorandum. Previous OFAC directives usually refer to direct and indirect financial transactions.

“Does this mean you can’t go and book at a Gaviota hotel, but you can give a Spanish tour company money and they can get you a room at the Saratoga?” Muse asked. (The Hotel Saratoga is operated under the umbrella of Habaguanex, which was recently transferred to the military.)

Follow Mimi Whitefield on Twitter: @HeraldMimi

Your Editor Condemns: All continued use of Cuba sanctions to score cheap political points. The Yankee went home. Accept it

Graffiti on the fence demarcating the border between Tijuana, Mexico and San Diego, California that plunges into the Pacific Ocean, has been painted with the names of deported American veterans.

By Nikki Wentling, | STARS AND STRIPES

The Congressional Hispanic Caucus is reaching out to Department of Veterans Affairs Secretary David Shulkin for help to stop the deportation of veterans.

Members of the caucus sent a request Monday to Shulkin to meet with them about ceasing veterans’ deportation and providing earned VA benefits to veterans who have already been deported. The request followed the caucus’ visit to Tijuana, Mexico, on June 3, where they met with veterans who told the lawmakers of their struggles being separated from their families and challenges accessing health care.

“During this meeting, the veterans shared many of the challenges they faced when they were initially deported and separated from their families,” the lawmakers wrote in a letter. “One prominent issue they continue to face is access to health care.”

Rep. Michelle Lujan Grisham, D-N.M., Rep. Joaquin Castro, D-Texas, Rep. Ruben Gallego, D-Ariz., Rep. Pete Aguilar, D-Calif., and Rep. Adriano Espaillat, D-N.Y., signed the letter. They called on Shulkin to quickly respond to what they called an “urgent meeting request.

The delegation traveled to the Deported Veterans Support House near the United States border in Tijuana, which was founded by deported Army veteran Hector Barajas-Varela for others like him. The San Diego Union-Tribune reported that a dozen veterans spoke to the lawmakers, repeatedly telling them, “I just want to go home.”

Honorably discharged veterans who are lawful permanent residents of the United States, meaning they’re noncitizens granted authorization to live in the country, are deported if convicted of crimes, after they serve their sentences.

Military members are automatically granted the right to citizenship, but they must apply for it. The American Civil Liberties Union reported last year that many servicemembers don’t realize their naturalization is not automatic.

Members of the caucus want to talk with Shulkin about the VA better educating veterans who are eligible to apply for citizenship and facilitating that application process “in order to prevent future veteran deportations,” the letter states. There are 10,644 non-citizens serving in the U.S. military and 11,524 more in the reserves, the caucus wrote.

Stars and Stripes has featured Barajas-Varela during the past two years. He came to the U.S. illegally at age 7 with his family and later joined the Army. He served from 1995-2001 and was honorably discharged. In 2002, he was sent to jail for an incident in which a weapon was fired from a vehicle. He completed his sentence in 2004 and ultimately was deported.

Berajas-Verala told Stars and Stripes that he thought he was a citizen until his arrest. California Gov. Jerry Brown pardoned Berajas-Verala over Easter weekend this year, but U.S. immigration authorities will have the final say whether he can come back to the United States.

The caucus said there are roughly 3,000 cases of veterans being deported, though an accurate number is difficult to know because the U.S. government doesn’t track it. About 60 deported veterans live in the Tijuana area, the San Diego Union-Tribune reported.

“We are aware of deported veterans that have served as recently as the war in Afghanistan, to veterans that served in the Iraq and Vietnam wars,” the letter to Shulkin reads. “However, because the federal government does not keep track of the number of veterans that have been deported, we do not have an accurate count of all impacted veterans and families.”

One of the caucus members, Rep. Juan Vargas, D-Calif., reintroduced three bills in May — H.R. 2759, 2760 and 2761 — to have the government better inform servicemembers of citizenship opportunities and fast track their status, as well as to allow veterans to temporarily return to the United States to receive health care at VA facilities.

As of Wednesday morning, the caucus and the VA had not set a meeting time.

Your Editor Demands: Respect for Veterans

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by Bob Smietana, Baptist Press

Hispanic Christians — evangelicals, mainline Protestants and Catholics — are more likely to say the nation of Israel has the right to exist than the average American, a new study released Thursday (June 22) shows.

They worry about the fate of Christians in the Palestinian territories and sympathize with both Palestinians and Israelis.

But the Bible, most say, has little to do with how they see Israel.

Those are among the findings of an online survey of self-identified Hispanic Christians and their views on Israel from LifeWay Research. The research firm conducted the survey Jan. 11-23.

The response was mixed, said Scott McConnell, executive director of LifeWay Research. Few Hispanic Christians have a negative view of Israel, he said. But many have no opinion.

“Overall, Israel isn’t a major concern for many Hispanic Christians,” McConnell said.

More supportive than Americans in general

Hispanic Christians are generally supportive of Israel, according to LifeWay Research’s survey.

Half (50 percent) say the modern state of Israel, which was founded on May 14, 1948, has the right to exist. Only 15 percent disagree. About a third (35 percent) aren’t sure.

For comparison, a 2015 LifeWay Research study found Americans much more skeptical about Israel. Forty-two percent agreed when asked if they support Israel’s statehood. Thirty-five percent disagreed, while 23 percent were not sure.

The 2017 survey found only a quarter of Hispanic Christians in the U.S. have a negative view of Israel (26 percent). Forty-five percent have a positive view. Twenty-eight percent aren’t sure.

About a third (34 percent) think the U.S. is doing enough to help Israel. Fewer say the U.S. does too much (19 percent) or too little (18 percent) to help Israel. Twenty-nine percent are not sure.

Hispanic Christians seem reluctant to take sides in the dispute between Israelis and Palestinians. Two-thirds (66 percent) sympathize with the hardships faced by both Israelis and Palestinians. A quarter (27 percent) sympathize more with Israelis. Seven percent sympathize more with Palestinians.

Most Hispanic Christians also worry about the welfare of Christians in parts of the Holy Land. Three-quarters (72 percent) say they are concerned about the safety of Christians in territories governed by the Palestinian authority. Ten percent disagree, while 18 percent are not sure.

Role of religion complicated

Faith plays a role in how Hispanic Christians see Israel. But they often disagree how the two are related.

Forty percent say the modern nation of Israel is “a fulfillment of God’s covenant with the Jewish people.” Twenty-one percent disagree. Thirty-nine percent are not sure.

And more Hispanic Christians cite the media (34 percent) than the Bible (16 percent) when asked what most shapes their views on Israel.

Among Hispanic Christians who support Israel’s right to exist, few cite the Bible (7 percent) or Bible prophecy (11 percent) as the reason for doing so. Instead, 55 percent say Israel has a right to exist because every nation has a right to exist.

Researchers found that self-identified Hispanic evangelicals are by far the most ardent supporters of Israel:

— 59 percent have a positive view of Israel.

— 58 percent say Israel has a right to exist.

— 83 percent are concerned about the safety of Christians in areas under control of the Palestinian authority.

— 35 percent say the U.S. does not do enough to help Israel.

— 49 percent sympathize with the hardships Israelis face.

— 54 percent say the Bible shapes their views on Israel.

— 15 percent cite the Bible as the main reason they support Israel’s statehood.

— 28 percent support Israel because of its role in biblical prophecy.

Support among Hispanic evangelicals differs slightly from American evangelicals in general. American evangelicals overall were less likely to say they support Israel’s right to exist as a state (50 percent) but more likely to make a connection between their faith and their views on Israel. About 7 in 10 (69 percent) American evangelicals said the modern nation of Israel was formed as a result of biblical prophecy. And 73 percent of American evangelicals said events in Israel are part of the prophecies in the Book of Revelation.

Tony Suarez, executive vice president of National Hispanic Christian Leadership Conference (NHCLC), says Hispanics — and especially Hispanic Christians — will play an important role in shaping American policy toward Israel in the future. So understanding their views on Israel is essential.

“Their support for Israel should not be taken for granted,” Suarez said.

Disconnect with the Jewish community

As part of the survey, sponsored by NHCLC and the Philos Project, LifeWay Research also looked at several other issues, including views of Hispanic Christians on politics, foreign policy, the media and the Jewish community.

They found about a third (33 percent) are more likely to vote for a candidate who had pro-Israel views. More than half (53 percent) say a politician’s views on Israel doesn’t affect their vote. Fourteen percent are less likely to vote for a candidate who has pro-Israel views.

On foreign policy, Hispanic Christians are ambivalent about the role the U.S. plays in solving the world’s problems. Forty percent say the U.S. does too much. A third (32 percent) say the U.S. does the right amount. Fifteen percent say the U.S. does too little. Fourteen percent are not sure.

Television (85 percent) is the most popular news source for Hispanic Christians, followed by social media (55 percent), websites (47 percent) and radio (37 percent). Less than a third (29 percent) rely on print newspapers or magazines.

Researchers found a disconnect between many Hispanic Christians and the Jewish community. Just over a third (36 percent) say they have Jewish friends. Half (49 percent) have no Jewish friends. Fifteen percent are not sure.

A significant number of Hispanic Christians hold somewhat anti-Semitic views, McConnell said. Forty-two percent say Jewish Americans have too much influence in American society. About a third (31 percent) disagree. A quarter (27 percent) are not sure.

That’s a troubling finding, McConnell said.

“There appears to be at least some resentment among Hispanic Christians,” he said. “It’s clear there’s a disconnect between this group of Hispanic Christians and Jewish Americans.”

Jesse Rojo, Hispanic Affairs Director for the Philos Project, agrees.

His organization has been sponsoring trips to bring Hispanic Christian leaders to Israel to connect with Jewish leaders in that country. They’ve also worked to connect Hispanic leaders and Jewish leaders in the United States.

“There should be more efforts on the local level to build bridges between these two communities,” Rojo said. “There is a lot more work to be done.”

Methodology: The online survey of Americans was conducted Jan. 11–23, 2017. The project was sponsored by the National Hispanic Christian Leadership Conference and the Philos Project. Targeted sample was obtained from national online panels. This sample was screened to only include self-identified Latino/Hispanic adults who indicate a religious preference of Catholic or Protestant/Non-denominational. Maximum quotas and slight weights were used for gender, region, age, education, Catholic/Protestant, country of origin and generation immigrated to more accurately reflect the Hispanic Christian population using statistics published by Pew Research and the Census Bureau. The completed sample is 1,038 surveys. The sample provides 95 percent confidence that the sampling error does not exceed plus or minus 4.1 percent including weight effects. Margins of error are higher in subgroups.

LifeWay Research is a Nashville-based, evangelical research firm that specializes in surveys about faith in culture and matters that affect churches.

Bob Smietana is senior writer for Facts & Trends magazine.

Your Editor Asks: Is there a religious connect in these surveys? Does anti semitism show?

:)